神秘的黑水城揭开神秘历史的面纱

编者注

黑水城文献的发现被学术界公认为是上世纪初继殷墟甲骨、居延汉简、敦煌、吐鲁番文献之后的又一重大考古发现。 黑水城遗书自唐代至西夏、金元。 文献总数达10万多篇,其文化价值不可估量。 2000年,一批宋代官方文献以《宋代西北边疆军政文献》为名出版,为《俄罗斯黑水城文献集·中文部分》第六卷,对两宋时期西北地区的政治、经济、军事状况进行了学术研究。 提供钥匙。 这批重要的宋代军事档案曝光,立即引起学界轰动。 本刊选刊发表的三篇文章中,第一篇介绍了这批珍贵文献的总体情况,并对它们的流传方式进行了推理和研究; 第二篇文章通过一份关于普通士兵晋升军衔的文件,串联起宋徽宗的故事。 时期当权臣子的活动展示了宋朝官员的运作程序。 第三章以文献资料勾勒出“皇帝集兵马至援站”的活动轨迹,再现了宋金战乱时陕西军秦王的情景。 。

沙漠古城揭示宋代文学瑰宝

陈瑞庆

在我国的北疆,历史上著名的居延海南侧,有一座保存完好的古城遗址——黑水城。 公元11世纪出现的党项部落建立的西夏王朝,在其统治的地方设立了十二个军事监察部门,主管边防。 黑水城是当时“黑水镇燕军师”的驻地。 1226年,成吉思汗率领蒙古军队征服西夏。 他先攻破黑水城,然后南下到西夏都城中兴府。 次年,西夏灭亡。 元朝建立后,黑水城仍在使用,受到统治者的重视。 当时这一地区划归甘肃省管辖,称为“伊吉乃鲁”。 “伊吉乃”源自西夏党项语“黑水”的音译,蒙古语称“哈拉浩特”(黑城之意)。 1286年,元世祖在此设立“乙吉乃道总管府”,隶属甘肃行省。 1372年,明朝征西将军冯胜率兵进攻元朝残部。 他改变了河道,切断了城里的水源。 因此,明军占领该城后立即弃城,城内居民也被迫迁移。 随着时间的流逝,黑水城和尼雅古城、楼兰古城一样,消失在茫茫沙漠之中。

1907年12月25日至1909年7月26日,俄罗斯陆军上校、俄罗斯皇家地理学会会员科兹洛夫受俄罗斯皇家地理学会派遣,率领“蒙古四川远征”一年零一年一半在我国西部。 “考察”后,他两次前往黑水城进行发掘。 1908年初春,科兹洛夫从黑水城的街区和寺庙遗址中出土了10余箱丝绸佛画、钱币、妇女用品等各类文物,并通过蒙古站运往俄罗斯圣彼得堡。 。 当俄罗斯地理学会看到这些无法辨认的人物和独特的佛像时,很快决定让科兹洛夫考察队放弃原来深入四川考察的计划,立即返回黑水市,集中人力物力攻克黑水市。 更大规模的发掘。 他们翻遍了黑水市东大街和大街两侧的商店和作坊遗址,挖掘出了总经理府和所有佛寺的遗址,但收获甚少。 仍不肯放弃的科兹洛夫随后转向距离黑水城西城墙约400米处干涸河床右岸的一座宝塔。 当塔打开后,他们发现塔内堆满了大量的文物和文献,其中既有雕刻,也有手稿; 大量佛经和各种世俗文献。 此外,还有汉文、维吾尔文、蒙古文、叙利亚文、突厥文等多种文献。 科兹洛夫惊呼这是一座“伟大的塔”。 他派人用40头骆驼将这些珍贵的文物偷运到圣彼得堡,立即引起了全世界的轰动。

由于历史原因,黑水城文献保存在全球13个国家的博物馆中。 黑水城的遗书上至唐代,下至西夏、金元。 总数超过10万件,其中90%以上是西夏文物和典籍。 它们被公认为是殷墟甲骨文、居延汉简的继承者,是继敦煌、吐鲁番遗书之后发现的最重要的考古文献之一。 黑水城出土的文物充分展示了辽、宋、夏、金、元时期特别是西夏时期的文化资源。 它们的文化价值和版本价值是不可估量的,也使西夏学成为世界汉学的重要组成部分。 科兹洛夫在黑水城发掘的文物大体分为两类。 这些文物收藏于俄罗斯国家冬宫博物馆; 这些文件现保存在俄罗斯科学院东方研究所圣彼得堡分院。 俄罗斯收藏的黑水城文献有8000多个号码。 上海古籍出版社经过多方努力,以《俄文馆藏黑水城文献》为名出版了这批珍贵文献。 在这些珍贵文献中,最引人瞩目的是《文海宝云》的出版。 《文海宝云》是科兹洛夫在黑水城遗址获得的大量文献之一。 早在20世纪30年代,苏联著名西夏历史专家聂离山就在众多西夏文献中发现了《文海宝云》。 后来这本书就找不到了,据说《文海宝云》是20世纪30年代装裱的,随着聂离山和海报大师的去世,这份珍贵文献的下落无人知晓。因此,苏联专家在20世纪60年代出版西夏手抄本和木刻目录时,并没有将其列入其中,几十年后,制书者的家人发现了这份文件,并将其送往保存黑水文件的圣彼得堡东方研究所。

1992年,中国社会科学院民族学研究所和圣彼得堡东方研究所开始整理出版黑水市的俄藏文献。 1993年10月,根据中俄双方达成的协议,中国代表团前往俄罗斯圣彼得堡东方研究所,对俄罗斯保存的黑水城文献进行整理和拍摄。 《文海宝云》是中国最早拍摄的一部,其全文收录于《俄罗斯黑水城文献集》第七卷。 由于印制“文海宝云”所用的纸张是宋代旧官纸,因此背面的宋代官方文献也是非常珍贵的历史文献。 2000年,《俄文黑水城文献集——中文部分》第六卷,以《宋代西北边疆军政文献》的名义出版了这些宋代官方文献,带来了这批重要的军事文献。宋朝档案得以公开。

这是中国首次出版有关宋代西北边疆的军政文献。 整理、研究和利用这些文献无疑具有深远的学术意义。 据《俄罗斯黑水城文献集》《附录》记载,这批文献为宋抄本,为未染色的亚麻纸,共109页。 每页高约 29.5 厘米,宽约 37.5 厘米。 行数不同,字符大小也不同。 皆为楷书、行书、草书。 不是一个人写的,而且黑色大多浓重均匀。 有墨水笔和墨水和黑色印章。 它最初是一个卷轴或不同长度的单页文档。 被西夏收购,切成规则尺寸,纸背面刻有西夏蝶式“文海宝云”。 俄罗斯收藏后,按《文海宝云》页码顺序装订成卷,偶有错误。 从文件类型来看,这批文件主要是最后通牒和文件,还有一些请愿书和请愿书; 从档案类型来看,一类是北宋末年范志绪组织陕西六路军马进行秦王“御会”的文件,一类是在宋朝建立的“统制部”文件。北宋末年,防止西夏入侵; 另一类是南宋初年王恕在西北地区组织抗金的“燕鲁经策安抚使部”。 文件; 一类是两宋时期的仓库诉讼文书。 同时,还有一些有关北宋末年的升卒和南宋初年军服的运用与曲折的文献。 这些珍贵的宋代军事档案的公布,迅速引起学界轰动,为研究两宋时期西北地区的政治、经济、军事状况提供了一把神奇的钥匙。

《宋代西北边疆军政文献》作为宋朝燕麓地区军事政治活动的原始记录档案,是如何落入西夏人手中的呢? 在千里之外的黑水城,这或许就像敦煌莫高窟的闭馆原因一样永远是一个不为人知的历史之谜。 当然,这并不妨碍学者们试图解开这个谜团的艰苦探索。 孟列夫中文版《黑城出土的中国遗书记述——引言》曾推测《宋西北边疆军政文献》的来历:“最有可能的是,它们是被抢走的”当他们遭到西夏军队的袭击时就离开了。” 据推测,西夏军队的掠夺是《宋西北边疆军政文献》流入西夏的原因。 但从目前掌握的资料来看,南宋建立以来,并没有西夏军队直接入侵燕麓的记载。 白井彬在《俄罗斯黑水城文献集》中的宋代文献中曾论述过这批文献的产生和历史背景,指出该文献的年代为宋徽宗政和八年。道光年间,即崇和元年(1118年)。 ,结束于宋高宗建炎五年(1131年)。 另外,俄罗斯收集的黑水城文献中,从西夏文字《维摩诘说经》蝶装本信封中摘录了“夫昌三年秦风路七将”的字样。 两份文件:《遣使书》(HB.NO.709)和《福昌三岁七将军信》(HB.NO.2559)(福昌册刘裕为金朝“大刘皇帝”) 。 福昌三年(公元1132年),可以推断这些文献是在1132年后才落入西夏手中的。至于这些文献为何落入西夏手中,他认为应该从这一时期宋、西夏、金三国的军事关系。 1131年,金朝纠集大量军队攻打陕西。 南宋“损兵三十万,失六十州”(《建炎以来年鉴》卷119)。 “陕西彻底被金征服了”。 然而金兵却占领了陕西。 后来他并没有履行当初的承诺,将陕北领土割让给西夏。 相反,他仍然将林、福、豫、燕诸国置于自己的控制之下,并以“削弱西夏”作为征服南宋的战略方针。 部分。 在此期间,西夏出兵帮助金人攻打宋朝,并从金兵占领的地区掠夺战利品。 他认为西夏其实是“畏其威势,欲掠之”(《中兴小记》)。 “只要有可乘之机,他们就不会放过对金占地区的攻占,这大概就是这批文献得到的由来。” 也就是说,白先生认为这批文献是西夏从“金占领地”掠夺来的。

也有学者认为北宋与西夏在政治交往上是不平等的。 宋仁宗庆历四年(1044年)十二月,由于当时的长期战争,宋朝和西夏都已疲惫不堪,双方议定休战。 北宋承认西夏政权的独立地位,任命元昊为夏国领袖; 与此同时,元昊被迫答应了“永久为宋诸侯辅佐”的屈辱条件。 正因为如此,元昊不想让北宋的使臣前往自己的都城兴庆府(今宁夏银川),以免陷入外交礼仪中“拜圣旨”的尴尬境地,所以他只允许北宋使者居住在幽州(原宁夏银川)。 管辖保安军西北100多公里处)。 幽州是西夏十二军司之一的嘉宁军司所在地。 李元昊时期,指挥精锐部队五万,主要对抗北宋的燕燕、临府路。 对此,北宋也针锋相对,指定保安部队(在城内或顺宁村)接待西夏使节。 这样,宋、夏之间的任命和传文就形成了固定的“保安军——幽州”模式,即双方的公文和双边谈判只能在“保安军——幽州”进行。 ——幽州”。 不能直达“保安军-幽州”以外的任何机构或地点。 由此,有学者推断,这批宋代文献可能是通过和平方式进入西夏地区的。 然而,这一结论似乎忽略了宋夏交往中一般文书与特殊文书的区别。 宋夏时期的“保安军-幽州”招收和传递文书的模式似乎更适合一般性文书的交换,而“军政”文书中的很多文书涉及重大军事机密,例如:士兵的部署、军服的分配、军事人员的调配。 ,宋朝不可能泄露给西夏。 可见,白滨先生的“战利品”说可能更接近历史事实。

那么,这批宋代文献是如何落入黑水城的呢? 目前学术界一般根据黑水市出土文献的数量和种类来判断。 黑水城不仅是西夏西北边陲的军事重镇,也是该地区各族人民的政治、经济、文化、宗教中心。 如果按照这个思路推论,这批重要的宋代文献是由西夏运到黑水城一带,印成《文海宝云》,然后藏在“大塔”里的。 白斌先生认为:除元代乙吉乃鲁总督府或寺庙收藏的元代图画书和档案外,黑水城文献基本上都是从西夏腹地、河西走廊等地区收集的。元朝灭西夏的战争。 西夏公私藏书、档案,随后运往元朝后方,保管于一己乃路总督府或当地寺庙。 明初战乱期间,这些资料被北元王朝或地方寺庙收藏在塔寺中。 直到20世纪初,它们才被俄罗斯探险家科兹洛夫发现。 (作者单位:河北师范大学历史文化学院)

一个军人和一个有权有势的官员

孙继民

公元1118年3月,陕北黄土高原的春天异常寒冷,但驻守延安路的数万宋军官兵、经略平定使、延安府、保安军却在严寒中度过。他们兴高采烈,因为他们又躲过了另一场寒风。 千里冰封的严冬,迎来了草木绿化、气温回暖的初春。 在这样的气氛下,最激动的战士就是保安军所辖德敬寨的一名普通士兵赵德成。 他的父亲是一名中级军官,已正式向他提出晋升军衔的请求。 让赵德成没想到的是,一份关于他晋升军衔的文件,将这个普通士兵与徽宗时期的宋朝权贵联系在了一起。 尤其让他没想到的是,这份文件在尘封了近千年之后才被揭露出来。 在现代学者面前,已成为研究宋代印部制度的珍贵资料。

这份文件是《宋代西北边疆军政文献》第49页关于宋宗政和八年(1118年)赵德成拟补成节郎的文件(见图)。 以下是该文件的部分摘录:

【太】史鲁官经部书

[开始] 重臣归中

邵载陈深

[首发] 傅佐臣夫

[右]城阙

【尚】舒臣光义等言起草。

我想向你表达我的谢意

我听到了并且想玩它。

政和八年二月,员外郎张栋上

【致】主管事务部长王亮宣读

【男】薛昂,你的大臣

【开始】傅少保泰【宰相兼世家大臣】在中间【审判】

赵德成的文件分为两部分。 第一部分是员外郎张东撰写的奏章,第二部分是门夏省官员对奏章的审查。 第一部分第一行有“尚书礼部”字样,表明该文件的撰写部门是尚书行省吏部。 第2-4行是武术宗师赵进忠请辞,请求任命其子赵德成为使。 第五行是尚书省吏部对赵锦忠请求引子的意见,拟取代赵德成为成节郎。 第6行至第14行分别是“通政三省”的官员姓名和省官员的签名和起草指示,以及上奏者的签名和讲话。 其中《太史录国拱辰经》为宋徽宗时期。 权臣蔡京,“【崛起】归位,陈居中”是太宰(《尚书左仆射》改名)郑居中,“少载陈深”是少载(《尚书右仆射》改名)于慎,“《崛起》到return “左丞陈甫”是大臣左丞王甫,“[尚]书陈光义”是民政部尚书徐光义,“员外郎张东”是下属官员民部尚书徐光义的,上述人都是宋徽宗时期的权臣、重臣、高官,赵德成提出补充成节郎的文件都签了通过他们的双手在各个层面上。

这份文献展示了当时尹布官方奏疏的格式和基本结构。 它由七层组成:第一层是第一行的标题“尚书礼部”,表明起草和执行该文件的部门是尚书省礼。 部门。 第二层是受偿官员的申请书,包括受偿官员的级别和姓名、受偿事由(冬祭仪式等)和请求官员(使节等)、人名被赔偿人和寻求赔偿的人。 关系、出身、年龄等。第三层次是提出的补充意见。 第四层是“总督三省”的官员名单和两总督及左右大臣的签名。 五楼有民政部长签名,并注明“我诚挚提议”。 第六层是追悼词,就像“谨向您表示感谢,聆听我的追悼会”。 第七层是奏章的署名,包括奏章的年、月、日、官职和姓名。 通过这些奏折的格式和构图,我们可以看到殷部官员生动形象的运作过程:根据当事人的申请,吏部侍郎提出拟任官员的意见,然后大臣们、理事长依次签字。 ,最后被人事部的一个人扮演。 可见,成节郎的起草过程需要三个基本步骤:人事部尚书起草官衔、民政部第二任巡抚签字、袁外郎上呈奏折。 赵德成只想要一个成节郎,他只是政和六年(1116年)授武将中的五十一等九品。 如此卑微的军官,还要经历如此复杂的过程。 起草、签署、报告的程序并不比其他武官简单。 可以说,该文件至少反映了宋代官员的一般起草过程,具有普遍意义。

文件第二部分反映了门夏省对拟更换成节郎的审批程序,证实了史籍记载的门夏省对尚书省提交的正式文件的审批程序确实存在并严格执行。 从文件来看,拟定的补充请愿书送达大臣后,经历了三个阶段:“宣读给主管此事的大臣王亮”; “读给薛昂盛大臣听”; 又“复少保太宰及臣下臣,中审之”。 这里的大臣、尚书、太宰、尚书,都是省级官员。门下部的职责之一就是处理商朝事务。

教育部提交的文件要经过审查和审查,要经过“向部长宣读、部长审阅、部长审阅”三个步骤后才能进入实施阶段。 宗下刺史为侍中,次副为侍郎,下属官为他们的下属官。 可见审批流程从低到高,经历了赐侍中、侍郎、侍中三个阶段。 将文件中提及的门夏行省审批程序与《宋史·直管志》中描述的门夏行省审批程序进行对比,可以看出,第一个环节是“读尚书王良” ,第二个链接“薛昂省部长”,与《直管志》中的正式名称和签署顺序完全一致。 只有第三个环节“恢复少保太宰及其部臣陈居忠鉴”与“侍忠鉴”略有不同。 文件中出现的官方职位他是少保太宰及其仆人。 据《宋史·官吏志》记载,他的官职是侍中。 但实际上两者并不矛盾。 门下刺史本是门下侍郎,中书刺史本是门下侍郎。 但元丰改制后,门下大臣不再是侍中,中书刺史也不再是大臣。 她兼任中书侍郎,履行中书侍郎、中书令的职责。 政和年间,左仆射改为太宰,右仆射改为少宰。 可见,太宰和他的仆人实际上就是左仆射和他的仆人。 因此,文书第十七行“祈福少保太宰与弟子仆陈居中鉴”,实际上是指他代其履行了弟子仆的职责。 “读给掌事大臣王亮”、“户部尚书薛昂升”、“祈福少保太宰与户部尚书,在审阅中”。 文件中三人的顺序和职责与《宋史·知官志》所谓“细读事、细存事、细判事”完全一致。 文件体现的门哈省审批程序完全符合制度规定,这说明制度规定的门哈省公文处理程序在实践中得到了严格执行。

该文件还体现了宋徽宗时期,或者具体说是政和时期的公文运作流程的特点,即权臣蔡京“通治三省”,凌驾于中书省、尚书省。及门下省,并列为“公臣”,名于尚书省、门下省之前。 文件第六行是“太师录,拱辰经部书”。 “无书”应该是不签字的意思。 蔡京没有署名或许是因为补成节郎的计划太过琐碎,但他依然列在尚书省和门下省之前,说明他拥有称霸两省的地位和权力。 。 宋徽宗时期蔡京长期掌权。 大观元年,蔡京拜太史。 虽曾被贬为太子少保,居杭州,但政和二年(1112年),再次召回京辅政,迁鲁鲁。 国公“即改吏,任命溥奢为太、少相,自称公相,掌管三省”(《奸臣蔡京列传》) 《宋史》卷472)。 据《宋史》卷二十一《徽宗纪三》记载,政和六年(1116年)四月,“蔡京受命朝廷三日,态度端正,治理政事”。三省事务。” 可以推断,蔡京的“总治三省”是“公相”的时间,是政和六年(1116年)四月。 “时人称蔡京为公相”(《童贯传》卷468《宋史》)。 文件中,蔡京被列为“三省”的“公卿”。 他被列在尚书刺史郑居中之前,这不仅意味着他的地位高于尚书刺史,而且还表明他也位于刺史之上。 Cai Jing's role as the "public chancellor" of Shangshu Province and Menxia Province reflected in the document is an important feature of Song Huizong's government and later official system.

The vast majority of "Military and Political Documents on the Northwestern Frontier of the Song Dynasty" are documents from the Yan Road Economic Strategy and Appeasement Department at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty and the beginning of the Southern Song Dynasty and the subordinate units and individuals such as Yan'an Prefecture, Jizhou, Baoan Army, Jintang City, and the Seventh General. 这是唯一的一个。 The document that Zhao Decheng proposed to supplement Chengjie Lang belongs to the document formed by the central agency of the Song Dynasty. Although it is only a copy, it preserves the content and form of the original document. It is a first-hand material that directly reflects the official document operation process of Yinbu officials in the Song Dynasty. It has high historical value. (Author's unit: Hebei Academy of Social Sciences)

The headquarters of King Song Qin's army

Zhang Chunlan

In October of the seventh year of the Xuanhe reign of Emperor Huizong of the Song Dynasty (1125), Emperor Taizong of the Jin Dynasty issued an edict to attack the Song Dynasty. The Jin army divided into two groups and was extremely powerful. In just two months, the Song army's defense system in Hedong and Hebei was beaten to pieces and collapsed, and the front was directed towards the capital Bianjing. Song Huizong was panicked and hurriedly ceded his throne to Prince Zhao Heng as Qinzong. In the first month of the following year, only 15 days after Song Qinzong ascended the throne, the Jin army surrounded Bianjing. When the "King Qin" reinforcements of more than 200,000 people arrived from various places, Emperor Qinzong of the Song Dynasty actually signed an alliance under the city. In exchange for humiliating conditions such as sending a large amount of gold and silver cloth and ceding the three towns of Taiyuan, Zhongshan and Hejian, he gained temporary peace. 。 The next year, that is, in August of the first year of Jingkang (1126), the Jin army once again divided into two groups and marched directly to Bianjing along the last march route. In November, the two Jin armies met under the city of Bianjing and surrounded Bianjing again. The Jin army's attack this time was more fierce than the last time, and the number of Song troops defending Bianjing was greatly reduced compared with the last time. The reason is that since the Jin army withdrew northward last time, the Song Dynasty used insufficient food and salary as an excuse to repatriate Qin Wang soldiers from various places who rescued Bianjing, and also severely attacked the officials of the main war faction. The rulers of the Northern Song Dynasty believed that the Jin army would not invade the south again in the short term. Until the enemy came to the city, they hurriedly dispatched the "Western Army" with the Song army as the main body in the Shaanxi battlefield to come in for reinforcements. However, before reinforcements from the "Western Army" arrived, Bianjing was captured by the Jin soldiers. Song Huizong, Song Qinzong and a large number of concubines and family members became prisoners of the Jin soldiers, and the Northern Song Dynasty was destroyed.

In dealing with the two large-scale attacks of the Jin Army, the Qinwang soldiers of the Song Dynasty played a decisive role. During the first large-scale attack of the Jin Army, the timely arrival of King Qin's army and the desperate resistance of the defenders in Kaifeng City forced the Jin Army to finally relieve the siege; during the second large-scale attack of the Jin Army, due to the The army in the city was empty, and because King Qin's army failed to arrive in time, the capital fell and the Northern Song Dynasty was destroyed. Although there is a lot of information about King Qin's army in historical records, there are very limited historical materials about the specific content of King Qin's army such as its composition and organizational structure. For example, the command structure of the Song Army Qin and Wang Bing during the Jin Army's second attack is currently only mentioned in "Sun Zhaoyuan's Journey" in Volume 29 of "Wenzhong Collection" by Zhou Bida of the Song Dynasty in November of the first year of Jingkang. Gai sent tens of thousands of commanders Du Chang and Xia Xi to the west of Beijing, but they were defeated. Fan Zhixu, the pacification envoy of Yongxing Road, claimed that he would join the army in front of the emperor and King Qin, Ma Qin, went to the aid station and called on all the troops on the road." The "Yuqian Rendezvous Army and King Ma Qin's Reinforcement Station" mentioned here is obviously the headquarters of King Qin's army in Song Dynasty. However, this command organization is neither found in "Three Dynasties Bei League Huibei", "Annual Records Since Jianyan", "Song Dynasty" Important historical works such as "Huiyao Collection", "Jingkang Yaolu", and "Song History" are also not found in other collections except "Wenzhongji". Are the records recorded in Zhou Bida's "Wenzhongji" reliable? Is the name of the institution stated accurate? When was this organization established? How long has it been in existence? These are important questions that trouble scholars of Song history.

Now, the above doubts have been put to rest with the publication of Russian-Tibetan documents from Heishui City. Among the "Military and Political Documents on the Northwestern Frontier of the Song Dynasty" there are several documents involving the headquarters of King Qin's army at that time. These are pages 18, 28, 96 and 98 of them. These four pages of documents are respectively "In the second year of Jingkang in the Northern Song Dynasty, the Yanlu Economic Strategy and the pacification envoy Si Fu's seventh general's letter", "In the second year of Jingkang's Northern Song Dynasty and the pacification envoy of Yanlu's strategy, the seventh general's letter", "In the second year of Jingkang's Northern Song Dynasty, the pacification envoy of Yanlu's strategy is paid to the seventh general" "The Seventh General's Ultimatum" and "The Song Army's Ultimatum in the First Year of Jianyan of the Southern Song Dynasty". "The Second Year of Jingkang in the Northern Song Dynasty? The Notes of the Seventh General Sifu, the Envoy of the Yanlu Economic Strategy" mentions that "In the other case, Guan Zhunyu gathered the troops and horses in front of the aid station and issued an ultimatum: Now that Cuo has been defeated, the people who have been defeated have been exempted from guilt, and Xu Lingjing's subordinates have come out. That is to say, "unite the guards to summon the envoys before going to the army", the specific time is the fourth day of April in the second year of Jingkang (1127); "The second year of Jingkang in the Northern Song Dynasty? Yanlu Jinglue and the pacification of the envoys" is "Shen Yuqian" for the purpose of executing the amnesty letter. "Notice to gather the troops and horses to the reinforcement station"; "The Seventh General's Notice from the Security Army in the Second Year of Jingkang in the Northern Song Dynasty" requires "the ultimatum to gather the troops and horses to the reinforcement station in front of the emperor", and "the escaped rebels and archers, please command your subordinates immediately, general Expulsion of parents, wife and men? Imprisonment and arrest. Xu Zhuse people were arrested and sent to the officialdom, and the execution was carried out in accordance with the law." The specific time was April 27, the second year of Jingkang (1127); "Song Jun, the first year of Jianyan in Nanjing" The "Ministry of the People's Liberation Army" requires "please provide detailed information on how the troops and horses will be gathered in front of the imperial court and the command details in the amnesty letter, and the notice will be implemented." The specific time is May 23 of the first year of Jianyan (1127). It can be seen from the above four documents that they all mentioned the same institution "the army and horses gathered in front of the emperor to join the reinforcements", which is consistent with what Zhou Bida's "Wen Zhongji·Sun Zhaoyuan's Journey" said "the troops and horses in front of the emperor joined the reinforcements" Compared to this, there is only the difference between the two characters "King Qin", the rest are the same. "Sun Zhaoyuan's Journey" is Zhou Bida's post-mortem, while the four documents on pages 18, 28, 96 and 98 of "Military and Political Documents on the Northwestern Frontier of the Song Dynasty" are all written by Si He, the envoy of Yan Road Economic Strategy to appease the Song Dynasty. The official document used by the Bao'an Army at that time (? Yanlu Jinglue Pease Division) was one of the six military regions set up by the Northern Song Dynasty in the northwest region, and was governed in today's Yan'an, Shaanxi. The Bao'an Army was one of the state armies under its jurisdiction, and was governed in today's Zhidan County, Shaanxi Province), and the names recorded in the four documents are exactly the same, so there should be no doubt about their reliability. From this, it can be seen that the accurate name of Song Qin's King's Army Headquarters should be “Imperial Reunion Army and Horse Reinforcement Station”. The documents confirmed that Zhou The name recorded by Bida is basically true, and some errors in deriving the word "King Qin" have also been corrected.

As for the duration of the Imperial Reunion Army and Horse Relief Station, except for Zhou Bida's "Wen Zhongji·Sun Zhaoyuan's Journey" which states that its establishment was in the eleventh month of the first year of Jingkang, there is no mention of it in other historical records. 。 Regarding this issue, it is the Blackwater City documents that provide us with clues. "The Second Year of Jingkang in the Northern Song Dynasty, the Baoan Army Pays the Seventh General's Ultimatum" was written on April 27, the second year of Jingkang; ) on May 23rd, which shows that at the latest on May 23rd of the first year of Jianyan, the army and horse reinforcements station in front of the emperor still existed. Moreover, we can further deduce its end time based on the changes in the official position of Fan Zhixu, the head of this military command organization. Fan Zhixu used his status as Shaanxi's Five-Road Propaganda Envoy to lead the troops of King Qin to come in for reinforcements. Although there is no historical record of when this position was relieved, we can still infer from the changes in his other positions during this period that he would meet with the emperor. The lower limit of the duration of the military and horse reinforcements. "History of Song Dynasty·Fan Zhixu Biography" states that after the main defeat, "Gaozong ascended the throne, and the speaker said that he was not able to advance, so he moved to Dengzhou. He sought to add a bachelor of Guanwen Palace, and then added Jingzhao Palace; Zhixu He made strong speeches and recommended Xi Yi, Li Mida, and Tang Zhong to succeed him. The imperial edict was to guard Jingzhao again, and Zhixu regained knowledge of Dengzhou." According to this, after Fan Zhixu was defeated, he was impeached by the ministers and moved to the official position. Dengzhou. As for the specific time when Fan Zhixu moved to Dengzhou, there is a clear record in the seventh month of the first year of Jianyan in Volume 24 of "History of the Song Dynasty" and "Gaozong Jiyi", which says: "In Bingwu, the imperial edict was decided to patrol Nanyang. With the bachelor of Guanwen Palace, Fan Zhixu learned about Dengzhou, repaired the city, repaired the palaces, and lost money and grain to implement it." It can be inferred that Bingwu in July of the first year of Jianyan (1127) is not only the time when Fan Zhixu was relieved of his military duties, but also the time when "the emperor The lower limit of the duration of "Gathering the Army and Horses into the Reinforcement Station". It can be seen that from Bingchen in November of the first year of Jingkang (1126) to Bingwu of July in the first year of Jianyan (1127), the Imperial Reunion Army and Horse Reinforcement Center was used as a temporary institution for Fan Zhixu to command the Shaanxi Song Army. , which existed for more than seven months in total.

All in all, "the army and horses gathered in front of the emperor to enter the aid station" was the historical background of the Song-Jin war between the two Song Dynasties and the Jin army's second siege of Bianjing, the capital of the Northern Song Dynasty. The army is a temporary command organization established by itself to facilitate unified command; its approximate existence is from Bingchen in November of the first year of Jingkang (1126) to Bingwu in July of the first year of Jianyan (1127), a total of seven More than a month. Regarding the situation in which Fan Zhixu set up a military and horse reinforcement station in front of the emperor, there are extremely few historical records. The Song Dynasty documents from Heishui City in Russia not only confirm the existence of this military command organization, but also provide many details about the operation of this organization. It can be seen that the Song Dynasty documents produced in Heishui City in Russia have important historical value and are rare first-hand materials reflecting the historical activities of the Song Army and Shaanxi battlefields in Shaanxi during the two Song Dynasties. (Author's affiliation: School of History, Beijing Normal University)

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